The subject of the study was a “layering” the reconstruction of the current and earlier political views of the respondents. So, first, we identified later in time views of respondents on the policy, they are installed on the power of the real and the ideal, at the state institutions and the regime, political leaders, on the values of democracy. In the study it was found out:
• whether the respondents are interested in politics, they know about it, what kind of feelings for her experience, to what actions are ready.
• What are the mechanisms of political socialization. In particular, the survey and interviews were recorded parameters such as the model of the power in the families of the respondents in their childhood and now, the experience of subordination and domination in relationships with family, peers, teachers, etc. One hypothesis explains the differences in the perception of democratic values generational differences in models of socialization.
• What are the factors of political and social environment and the position of the person that has developed as a result of primary socialization.
The subject of the study were primarily those psychological factors that facilitate or hinder the adoption of new (in this case, democratic) values, norms and orientations. The literature has long described the authoritarian personality type, which are prevalent qualities such as intolerance of dissent, the desire to dominate, ethnocentrism, rejection of rationality, the rejection of democratic values (in particular equality and justice). Meanwhile, political psychology is much less is known about another type of personality – the “democratic”. Some authors (P. Snayderman, S. Renshon hypothesized that the development of democracy requires that the democratic personality type was fairly widespread (although the proportion of “authoritarians” and “democrats” in different types of systems, we do not know.) The study we have assumed that the practice of participatory democracy based on non-political, in particular cultural and psychological, behavioral patterns that contribute to the strengthening of democratic political norms of the sample. For empirical investigation identified the following indicators operationalize the concept of “democratic personality”: openness, tolerance, the ability to to compromise, freedom from anxiety unconscious, the priority of rationality in the choice of a political position, the lack of desire to suppress the other, the recognition of people as equal, active life.
The presence or absence of these qualities can be seen as the responses to the questionnaire, and on focal interviews. The results of both methods were compared with the results of the test J. Rotter on the level of subjective control. The literature provides evidence that one of the most important basic orientation of the people are divided into “initiator” and “pawns” or internals and externalities. First have a high need for control and see themselves as the cause of the events happening to them (both pleasant and unpleasant). The second, on the contrary, looking for the cause of what is happening to them outside, have a low level of need for control. This psychological response is formed in early childhood, but later may vary with specific events. The greatest impact on the level of subjective control has family power structure.
In the works of Renshona shown that personality with a high level of subjective control has activism, the desire to participate in political activities. There is evidence and that the need for control is associated with the manifestations of political alienation. In this case, the externalities (low locus of control) are high political alienation, and internals – medium and low values. It is remarkable that the first work to study the impact of the level of personal control on political behavior and consciousness have shown that in times of crisis, political socialization (late 60-early 70′s in the U.S.) internals are a small percentage. With increasing complexity of the political life of the people is becoming more difficult to carry out its control over it, which causes a rise in anxiety and alienation.
Here are the most interesting of our results, grouping them by age groups. This will see generational differences in the perception of policy, the respondents’ attitudes toward democratic values.
The primary political socialization. 13 – 18-year-olds are different in that their primary political socialization coincided with the years of perestroika. On them is hard to say that they resocialise recently, their primary value is almost the same as the present official. They do not have a clear acceptance (or rejection) of the system mode. Their notions of power and on the cognitive, and emotional levels fluctuate. This is due not only to the immaturity of the political picture of the world understandable to their age, but also with the fact that it had originally been conceived as unstable.
Most of the respondents had a tough upbringing, although some reminiscing about how they were punished and even beaten. Few of those surveyed had a relationship with parents cloudless. Most often, parents have been inconsistent: a strict and even harsh, the soft and liberal. Respondents have suffered from lack of affection and attention, and from a lack of rigor and certainty. Authority of parents (father or mother) of them are extremely rare. Many people say, “my father or mother is not an authority for me, I just love them.”
Political socialization outside the family also was not too successful, although in some cases, as children and teenagers, our respondents met the teachers who became their authority. However, NGOs have left a very negative memories. “Most of the policy of” remembered as boring (“slogans, like a thorn in the eye”, “the leaders of the speech sound like tarahtyaschee tractor”), not having to do with them, except for the death of the aged leaders. The beginning of the restructuring with a new leader Mikhail Gorbachev remembered as a positive. In general, and the school as an agent of political socialization is left vague, rather dreary mark in the political world view of those who were at the time of the first phase of the study from 13 to 18 years. It is noteworthy that this school experience has made a definite impression on the respondents: Success in any activity associated with their ability to comply. This is evidenced by a significant correlation between high values of internality achievements and preference relations such as “teacher – student”.
The current political attitudes and values. Political views are multi-layered psychological structure. In the psychological literature is divided into three levels of settings: cognitive, emotional and behavioral. Consider setting the policies of our respondents under this scheme.
Cognitive cut. Knowledge about politics in this age group are abstract, though its representatives will learn some political figures. They have some uncertainty in determining. to any political orientation is a particular politician, who – a Democrat and who is – no. Notion of democracy as rule of law emerged from all the respondents. It is from this position, they estimate the current regime as weak and not legal.
Interest in politics in the group is small, and more neutral political position (exception – the respondent that identifies their views as democratic). The views about democracy is a particular feature: they are primarily important are the values of democracy, freedom, personal freedom and human rights. But at the same time they mention about its attributes, such as a strong state and enforce laws. In last place among the values of democracy in this group are responsible and active participation in the affairs of the state.
There is a significant correlation between the concepts of human rights, and competing with the views of the parents, as well as with a sense of weakness of the current regime. But the most curious thing: the lack of interest in politics is combined with the power of satisfaction and a desire to take part in the elections as a candidate. The latter figure gives a visual representation of the contradictions in the political mentality of the youngest group of respondents.
In general, the cognitive structure of this category of people are the most controversial. Thus, the desire to abide by the law they correlate with only one form of political activity: participation in strikes. At the same time in their minds get on a notion of democracy as a strong state with a reluctance to recognize the authority of this state itself. Those who do recognize the authority of the state, base their view of politicians from the fact that their motives are striving for power exclusively noble and aimed at the common good. But if the recognition of the power of the state, many respondents have difficulty, it does not apply to the recognition of the authority of his superiors. By the way, last admission is correlated with their tolerance for the opposition, which may be indicative of the growing complexity of their cognitive representations. At the stage of completion of the primary political socialization of respondents find it easier to regain power in the form of specific images (superiors) than the abstract state, besides being in crisis.
The youngest respondents in their beliefs are not supporters of statism. They do not care whether the government take care of them. Not only touch them, and the processes of social stratification. They believe in the fairness of the fact that a minority can control the majority. On the verbal level, they are law-abiding, but do not have a particular view on the mechanisms of action of the authorities.